Last month, OpenAI said that it is going to introduce ads to users of the free and Go tiers in ChatGPT. The company rolled out ads to U.S.-based users earlier this month amid criticism from rivals like Anthropic, which published a string of Super Bowl ads.

On the sidelines of the India AI summit, TechCrunch asked OpenAI COO Brad Lightcap about how the company is approaching ads. Lightcap said that the process is iterative and the company has to get user privacy and trust right.

“Well, this is going to be an iterative process for sure. This is something we are committed to getting right. What does that look like? It means obviously maintaining user trust at a very high level. It means getting privacy right,” Lightcap said.

He also noted that ads can add to the product experience of users if they are done right. He urged to give OpenAI a few months to see how the company fares in rolling out the product.

“It means really creating a delightful product experience. We think ads done right can be additive to a product experience. And so it’ll take iteration, it’ll take time, but we’re just starting out. So maybe give us a few months and see how it goes,” he said.

Lightcap didn’t specify if the company is thinking about rolling out ads beyond the U.S. market at the moment.

Earlier this month, Sam Altman hit back at Anthropic with a long post on X about the Super Bowl ads, calling the OpenAI rival “dishonest” and accusing them of making an expensive product that serves “rich people.”

“More importantly, we believe everyone deserves to use AI and are committed to free access, because we believe access creates agency. More Texans use ChatGPT for free than the total number of people who use Claude in the US, so we have a differently-shaped problem than they do,” Altman wrote.

Various outlets have reported that OpenAI is charging $60 for 1,000 impressions, an unusually high rate. Last month, Adweek noted that OpenAI is asking for $200,000 of minimum commitment from advertisers. Earlier this week, The Information reported that Shopify is allowing its merchants to advertise on ChatGPT through its Shop Campaigns ad network, joining early testers like Target, Williams Sonoma, and Adobe.

Waymo is bringing its robotaxis to Chicago and Charlotte as part of its push to continue scaling autonomous vehicles, the company said Wednesday.

Starting today, Waymo will begin manual mapping and early data collection to lay the groundwork for operations in those cities. Waymo usually enters a new city by first conducting months of manual driving and mapping to understand local road conditions, traffic patterns, and edge cases before gradually introducing autonomous testing and eventually fully driverless operations.

While Charlotte — with its suburban-style layout and mild weather — may be an easier use case, Chicago’s harsh winters, heavy traffic, and dense urban complexity would be more of a challenge for Waymo. Operating there successfully would strengthen Waymo’s case that its system is nationally scalable. It also gives Waymo another shot at a northern city after New York dropped a proposal that would have allowed commercial robotaxi pilots in parts of the state.

The news comes the same week Waymo began offering commercial driverless operations in Dallas, Houston, San Antonio, and Orlando, bringing its total city count to 10.

Aside from Chicago and Charlotte, Waymo is also testing and planning to launch in Denver, London, and Washington, D.C., among other cities. The Alphabet-owned autonomous vehicle company earlier this month clinched $16 billion in funding to expand internationally.

Across the country, discontent has exploded over the ever-growing glut of server farms that have accompanied the AI boom. Anger has grown so loud that it’s begun to shift legislative agendas. Some states and communities are mulling temporary bans on new data center development altogether. Earlier this month, New York joined the club, with a bold new proposal to halt the local cloud build-out in its tracks.

A new bill in New York State would impose a three-year moratorium on the issuance of new permits for data center construction throughout the state, while local regulators are given a chance to study the environmental and economic impacts the industry is having on communities. The bill’s co-authors, state senator Liz Krueger and Assemblymember Anna Kelles, have called the legislation the “strongest” introduced in the country.  

While no statewide moratoriums have passed so far, local bans are proliferating fast. Several weeks before Krueger and Kelles introduced their bill, the New Orleans City Council passed a moratorium, pausing all new data center construction in the city for one year. In early January, Madison, Wisconsin, passed a similar law after protests erupted over regional tech projects.

Similar policies have also passed in droves of communities throughout construction hot spots like Georgia and Michigan, as well as in many other regions throughout the country.

Environmental activists have long taken aim at data centers, but the more recent concerns have come from high-level lawmakers, drawing on populist anger at the tech industry broadly. In conservative Florida, for instance, Gov. Ron DeSantis recently announced an AI “bill of rights” that gives local communities the right to limit new data center construction.

In liberal Vermont, U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders has suggested a nationwide moratorium. And in Arizona, where the political milieu is decidedly mixed, Gov. Katie Hobbs recently said she supported pulling the industry’s tax incentives. Politicians have even begun to fight over the topics, with the governor of Mississippi taking shots at Sanders online over his moratorium proposal.

The political resistance is coming just as tech companies commit more and more money to building out infrastructure. The four biggest spenders — Amazon, Google, Meta, and Microsoft — plan to spend a whopping $650 billion in capital expenditures over the next year, the vast majority of it going to data center build-outs. Even more spending is planned in the following years, as the companies race to secure as much compute capacity as possible.

But the speed and scale of those projects has made them increasingly unpopular, according to recent polling. A recent Echelon Insights poll found 46% of respondents would oppose plans to build a data center in their community, compared with 35% in support. A different poll from Politico found that, while there is considerable concern about the facilities, many voters don’t have much of an opinion either way — making it possible for public sentiment to be swayed in either direction.

The industry is already spending big to attempt to change those numbers — at least in the regions where it matters. In January, the Financial Times reported that some of the industry’s biggest data center operators were planning a “lobbying blitz,” with plans to “boost spending on targeted advertising and engagement” aimed at the communities where they build.

Tech companies are also making real concessions, like the planned Rate Payer Protection Pledge that would make them responsible for supplying power to any new AI data centers. But it’s not clear those measures will be enough to bring the public around.

Dan Diorio, of the Data Center Coalition, argued, in a conversation with TechCrunch, that data centers should appeal to smaller communities because they provide revenue without straining those communities’ limited resources. If the incentives are cut off and companies decide not to build in those places, the revenue also won’t be there. “That’s where statewide policy considerations come in,” he said. “Are you going to limit communities in which these businesses could be a significant benefit for them?” 

The logic behind pressing pause

In general, data center moratoriums are meant to give communities breathing room while policymakers study the potential costs and benefits of allowing such facilities to be built in their communities. The rate of construction in some states has accelerated at such a pace that communities are unsure of how the industry will impact them in the long run.

Justin Flagg, director of communications and environmental policy for Sen. Krueger’s office, told TechCrunch that the legislation was driven, in part, by what he called the energy affordability crisis in New York. Said crisis has troubled both rate payers and politicians.

A group of 30 state lawmakers recently called upon the state’s governor, Kathy Hochul, to declare an “energy state of emergency” in New York due to rate increases. While there are a diversity of factors at work in driving up energy prices, there’s a consensus that the growth in data centers is making the problem worse, not better.

“There’s broad discontent being expressed about energy prices,” Flagg said. “We certainly hear that constantly from our constituents, whose electric and gas rates are going up.” He added that local pushback was also being driven by environmental concerns — which he described as the “water impact and the noise and the local infrastructure impact as well.”

In response to those grid concerns, major tech companies — including Microsoft, Google, Meta, and OpenAI — have promised to pay for their additions to the electrical grid in the communities where they operate, often installing behind-the-meter power sources paired with the new data centers.

The Washington Post recently reported that Silicon Valley is increasingly looking to build its own private electrical supply — a kind of “shadow grid” — that can be used to operate the power-consumptive properties that are now fueling the AI industry. The strategy involves standing up massive new private power sources instead of relying on the public grid.

One example of this practice comes from xAI, Elon Musk’s AI startup, which — at the site of its massive data center in Memphis, Tennessee, known as “Colossus” — built a series of methane gas turbines that have been accused of polluting the local community.

The company’s efforts have already run into significant trouble. xAI had reportedly told local officials that, due to a legal loophole, the turbines were exempt from air-quality permits. In January, the Environmental Protection Agency ruled that Musk’s company was not exempt from the permits, making their previous operation illegal. Environmental activists, decrying the facility’s discharge of “smog-forming pollution, soot, and hazardous chemicals,” announced earlier this month that they planned to sue the company over it. Musk’s facility has since permitted its turbines.

As the xAI example illustrates, if the “shadow grid” strategy purports to solve one problem (public grid overload), it threatens to create a host of new ones — with environmental activists and local communities alike expressing concern for how the new facilities could spew pollution into people’s backyards.

At the federal level, the Trump administration — which has made AI one of its top priorities — has also sought to characterize the industry as responsible stewards of the communities in which they build. Indeed, Trump officials have floated a hypothetical policy to force AI companies to internalize the costs of their additions to local electrical grids, although the details on this policy remain vague.

Debate over taxes

For years, communities have incentivized data center development through tax breaks. Last summer, an analysis by CNBC found that 42 states throughout the U.S. either have no sales tax or provide full or partial sales tax exemptions to tech firms. Of that number, some 16 states publicly reported how much they had awarded to companies through tax breaks. The forfeited revenue amounted to some $6 billion over a period of five years, the outlet wrote.

Now, however, more and more states are thinking about turning off the spigot. In Georgia, for instance, a variety of bills were recently introduced that would crack down on the industry’s benefits. State senator Matt Brass, who has introduced a bill that would nix the server sales tax exemption, told TechCrunch that he doesn’t think tech companies need the extra money, nor does he think dispensing with the benefit will dissuade them from doing business in the state. “In Georgia, if you compare us to other states, our property taxes are low, our property values are low, our overall tax burden is low,” Brass said. “So, you know, our overall business climate is good. That should be the attraction.”

Brass, who chairs the state’s rules committee, told TechCrunch that he expects there to be significant support for his policy. A similar piece of legislation passed the Georgia legislature in 2024, but it was vetoed by the governor. Brass added that, were the exemption to be done away with, he believes it could generate hundreds of millions of dollars for the state.

In Ohio, a similar policy battle is currently playing out. A group of Democratic lawmakers recently introduced legislation that would — like in Georgia — move to nix the state’s sales tax exemption. A similar policy was introduced last year, but — like in Georgia — it was defeated by the state’s governor, Mike DeWine.

“The most ridiculous tax break on the books currently is for data centers,” one of the bill’s supporting lawmakers, state Sen. Kent Smith, recently said. “That tax break needs to end, for the benefit of everyone who’s got an electric bill.”

At the same time, there are still plenty of lawmakers who support the server sales tax exemption. In Colorado, state representative Alex Valdez recently introduced a bill that would enshrine data centers’ loophole for the next 20 years. Valdez told TechCrunch that the exemption is merely a carrot to get tech companies in the door. Once they set up a base of operations in the state, they become a source of passive revenue that inevitably boomerangs back to benefit the communities in which they operate, he said.